Some of the signs and symptoms include:
1. An extreme fear of a situation in which you have to meet new people or you may be scrutinized by others.
2. The feared social situations are experienced with intense anxiety or avoided entirely.
3. The anxiety-provoking social situation causes physical symptoms like blushing, sweating, shaking, trembling, tense muscles, shaky voice, dry mouth or a pounding heart.
The basic symptom of social anxiety disorder is of being very anxious in the presence of others. If you suffer from social anxiety disorder, you may think that other people are very confident in public and you are not. Just blushing may feel horribly embarrassing to you, and you may feel like everyone's eyes are always on you. You may feel anxious about giving a speech, talking to a boss or dating.
Some people with social anxiety disorder are afraid of public speaking or parties. Others feel terrible anxiety about using a public restroom, eating out, talking on the phone or writing in front of others.
Almost everyone experiences some social anxiety now and then; it's normal. However, social anxiety disorder consistently limits the lifestyle of those with the illness, in some cases causing them to not participate in school, avoid making friends or miss important opportunities at work. Some people with social anxiety disorder avoid all socially related situations, severely limiting their life, work and social relationships.
Social Disorder on Psychology Journal
Signs and Symptoms ; Social Disorder
Clinical Psychology; the scientific study
Clinical Psychology on Psychology Journal
Clinical psychology is the scientific study, diagnosis, and treatment of people who have psychological problems adjusting to themselves and the environment. Clinical psychologists deal with both normal and abnormal behaviour. They administer and interpret psychological tests, and assist in the diagnosis and treatment of mental disorders. They also study the structure and development of personality.
Clinical psychology is a scientific and applied field of psychology. That is, it puts into practice the theories developed in the different fields of psychology. For example, clinical psychologists apply many findings of abnormal psychology when they diagnose and treat mental disorders. They also draw knowledge from the fields of learning, motivation, perception, personality, developmental psychology, physiological psychology, and social psychology. Clinical psychologists work in government, hospitals, clinics, universities, and private practice. Their chief activities are (1) testing and diagnosis, (2) psychotherapy and consultation, and (3) research.
Testing and diagnosis.
Clinical psychologists develop, administer, and interpret tests that measure aptitude, intelligence, and personality. These tests can be used in diagnosing mental disorders. They are also used to help determine proper placements for people in schools and jobs.
Psychotherapy and consultation.
Clinical psychologists treat mental disorders that result in disturbed human relationships or individual anxiety or unhappiness. They deal with brief, minor disturbances such as stress resulting from a school failure or grief due to the loss of a loved one. They also try to solve the prolonged problems of internal emotional conflicts often called neuroses and of psychoses. Psychoses are problems in which a person's thoughts, feelings, words, or perceptions are severely unrealistic.
Psychotherapy is the clinical psychologist's chief tool in treating mental disorders. In most kinds of psychotherapy, the psychologist talks with the patient in a series of informal interviews. In most cases, the psychologist tries to help the patient understand the cause of the patient's personality disturbance.
Understanding and preventing mental disorders is an important goal of clinical psychologists. They develop and take part in consultation programmes to educate the public in methods of improving child care and relationships and expanding mental health facilities. They also work with the clergy, teachers, and others who deal with children to help identify and solve psychological problems that develop at an early stage.
Research.
Clinical psychologists are trained to design and conduct scientific experiments. Through their knowledge and use of research techniques, they improve various methods of diagnosing and treating mental disorders. They propose and test new theories on the structure and development of personality. They also develop and evaluate new testing and treatment methods.
Clinical Psychology on Psychology Journal
School Psychology
School Psychology on Psychology Journal
School psychology as a career option has been a popular choice among students in the U.S. and in Europe. The content and nature of the practice of school psychology has been variously defined and the origins are not entirely clear. I was a school psychologist from 1971 to 1994. In fact, I was one of the first three school psychologists in the state of Texas. The profession was very young then, since it was only in 1968 that the National Association of School Psychology (NASP) was formed and the discipline was formally recognized by the American Psychological Association (APA) as a doctoral speciality; it was later recognized by the American Board of Professional Psychology (ABPP). During these formative years, the educational orientation of school psychologists has varied and changed. The changes in the profession reflect the character of the individual departments and programs as well as the various regions of the country and diverse populations in the communities and schools where professionals work.
How are school psychologists' roles defined?
The role and functions of everyday practice are dictated by the employment setting and other demographic features of the area. Other major influences have been special and regular education rules and standards; federal and state laws governing public schools; and all employees of the setting. With the passage of 94-142, The Education of All Handicapped Children's Act (U.S. Congress, 1975), school psychologists have been primarily involved in assessment of and intervention with handicapped children, offering counseling and consultation to their teachers and families. Other important federal laws have mandated service delivery to a variety of school populations. The development of the profession has been called random by some writers. Now, school psychology is a recognized speciality within psychology, with requisite standards for training, credentialing, and service delivery.
Societal and educational contexts, education reform, and school effectiveness literature have had significant effects on the training and practice of school psychologists. In addition, the evolution of the National Association of School Psychology has had a profound impact on the profession. This organization is made up of nondoctoral professionals (80%) and is a visible, strong, and feasible professional representative for the school psychologist today. At the doctoral level, Division 16, the Division of School Psychology, is a much smaller organization with approximately 2,000 members. It is made up of doctoral professionals, most of whom are trainers in universities and colleges. Most states have state associations of school psychology that have an impact on school psychologists' role and function within their respective states through active lobbying.
What are the actual job functions?
School psychologists, at all levels, work as applied scientists and interventionists, descriptionists, rational empiricists, and systems managers. Their expertise varies according to their level of training and practice, but generally, school psychologists provide assessments and diagnoses, oversee interventions ranging from individual counseling to group and family work, and provide consultation to teachers, administrators, community agencies, parent groups, and youth. They also provide supervision, pre-services, and in-service training to teachers, administrators, and professional groups. In addition, school psychologists perform program evaluations, develop case studies, and use applied research methods to solve school problems and professional practice questions. In response to the growing numbers of children referred for either educational or mental health difficulties, school psychologists also focus on primary prevention in schools and communities.
School psychology has finally laid claim to its expertise in dealing with children in a wide variety of settings. Regardless of where these professionals work, they provide a wide variety of services to the populations they serve. School psychologists share functions with clinical, counseling, organizational, and experimental psychology. In a sense, school psychology is a hybrid of several specialities and continues to evolve in its practice and service delivery techniques. Doctoral school psychologists bring additional supervisory and program evaluation skills. They also possess research knowledge beyond that which nondoctoral school psychologists can provide. However, the bottom line with regard to job role development is the social context and individual creativity of the professional.
Where do school psychologists work?
The primary places of employment for professionals with master's or specialist-level degrees are public and private schools. School psychologists work with diverse ages, from infant programs to high school, and you will find a great variety of services provided by each professional. In many states master's- and specialist-level professionals also have private practice options as well as career paths with clinics or state institutions. School psychologists also work with other professionals in human services and mental health clinics. Those at this level are guided by the National Association of School Psychology Standards of Professional Training as well as state certification and licensing standards for training and functioning.
Doctoral school psychologists have a variety of career options as well. Many doctoral professionals work in private and public schools or at universities and colleges. Others, as recipients of PhD, PsyD, or EdD degrees, have options of public or private practice if they hold the appropriate licenses for the state in which they live. Doctoral-level school psychologists, when employed by school systems, are often in administrative roles as well as service delivery roles. The roles and functions of doctoral psychologists are guided by professional standards set forth by the American Psychological Association (1981) and the National Association of School Psychology (1984).
How do you find training programs?
The two best guides to training programs are APA's Guide to Graduate Programs in Psychology (1996) and NASP's Directory of School Psychology Training Programs (1984). The APA guide gives descriptions of programs at the doctoral level, while the NASP guide has descriptions of master's, specialist, and doctoral programs.
Training programs can be found in every state at the specialist, master's, and doctoral levels. These programs are equally housed in education departments, in educational psychology departments, and in psychology departments. Your state psychology board should have a list of training programs in your area, and your state's school psychology association should also maintain lists of the programs in the NASP Directory.
What do these training programs entail?
Programs range in hours and training from 40 hours at the master's level to 124 hours at the doctoral level. NASP-approved programs include practicum and internship requirements. APA programs have similar requirements for all doctoral programs, which are more diverse in training than the NASP programs. The NASP programs lead to students becoming qualified to take the National School Psychology Certification Examination. This specialist certification is often connected to the state certification and licensure laws and rules. You need to check with your state board of psychology and your state education agency for local requirements.
Doctoral programs will also have a specific model of training, either the scientist-practitioner model or the applied professional model. In the past it was more common to find a scientist- researcher model program whose graduates were primarily trained to take academic positions and be researchers. Few such programs exist today.
The scientist-practitioner model assumes that all psychologists receive basic training in core areas of psychology, such as quantitative methods, personality theory, history and systems of psychology, developmental psychology, learning, motivation, cognition, social psychology, and the biological basis of behavior. Programs based on this model are similar to those offered in other fields of psychology.
The applied professional model also is currently employed in a number of programs. This model focuses more on applied course work rather than on core theoretical courses. Typical course work for programs espousing this model include intelligence assessment, learning problems assessment, consultation, social problems assessment, general educational theory, special education, behavioral interventions and assessment, history and systems of psychology, developmental and learning theories, neuropsychology, and abnormal psychology. Current trends are shifting away from the scientist-practitioner model and toward the applied professional model. New programs in school psychology at the doctoral level tend to be PsyD rather than PhD programs.
What about salary, flexibility, job satisfaction, demographics?
If you work in the public service sector, you can expect slightly lower salaries than if you work in private business. Salaries are competitive with all other school or clinic professionals, and if you work in the schools, your work contract will follow the school calendar. It is an especially excellent choice for both men and women who want to marry and raise a family. The close ties of the employment contract with the school work day and school terms can be a great advantage in your family life.
Reschly and Wilson (1995) reported on the characteristics of practitioners and faculty from 1986 to 1992. These authors suggest that there have been some changes in demographics, in that women are more likely to be practitioners and men are more likely to hold faculty positions. High job satisfaction was reported in both settings with some concern about advancement opportunities among the practitioners. Salaries were good, but there was a difference between faculty and practitioners. Faculty reported more outside employment income than practitioners and differed by $9,000 on the average salary. Average faculty income was $57,000; doctoral practitioners, $51,000; and nondoctoral, $40,000. These are not entry-level salaries, as the mean years of experience was about 15. Also, this study did not consider gender, age, or geographic area. Overall changes from two earlier studies suggest a graying of the school psychologists and significant degree changes from fewer master's degrees to more specialist-level degrees. Eighty percent of the graduates in school psychology training programs are at the specialist level as reported in 1991 in a study by Reschly and McMaster-Beyer.
After 24 years, I can say with confidence that school psychology is a promising field, and there are many job opportunities in a variety of settings. You can work at the nondoctoral level or at the doctoral level, in traditional or nontraditional settings. As you narrow your career choices, take some time to consider school psychology!
References
American Psychological Association. (1996). Graduate study in psychology. Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychological Association. (1981). Speciality guidelines for the delivery of services by school psychologists. Washington, DC: Author.
Batsche, G. (1995). Best practices in credentialing and continuing professional development. In Best Practices (5). Washington, DC: NASP.
Brown, T., & Minke, K. (Eds.). (1984). Directory of school psychology training programs. Washington, DC.
National Association of School Psychology. (1984a). Standards for the provision of school psychological services. Washington, DC: Author.
National Association of School Psychology. (1984b). Standards for training and field placement programs in school psychology. Washington, DC: Author.
Prus, J., White, G., & Pendleton, A. (1988). Handbook of certification/licensure requirements for school psychologists (4th ed.). Washington, DC: NASP.
Reschly, D., & McMaster-Beyer, M. D. (1991). Influences of degree level, institutional orientation, college affiliation, and accreditation status on school psychology graduate education. Pro-fessional Psychology: Research and Practice, 22(5), 368-74.
Reschly, D. & Wilson, M. (1995). School psychology practitioners and faculty: 1986 to 1991-92 trends in demographics, roles, satisfaction, and system reform. School Psychology Review, 24(1), 62-80.
School Psychology on Psychology Journal
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY AND MODERNITY
Johansson's volume is an excellent critique of the more psychologistic social psychology in the United States. It nicely examines what I suggest is the emergence of a post-modern, rather than modern, assertion of paradigms in social psychology set out by Simmel and the Chicago school. Johansson provides an in-depth analysis of three seminal projects: Wirth's examination of the (Jewish) ghetto and the stranger, the discussion of authoritarian personality by Adorno and colleagues, and Giddens' reflection on relationships and intimacy.
Johansson's work should be spoken of as post-modern and not modern. This titling is only a slight misnomer which needs some clarification for the reader, but substantively the volume offers an alternative humanistic paradigm in social psychology. It also puts forward a trenchant challenge to social psychology's American hegemony haplessly confessing a (modern) Enlightenment positivist bias. Johansson's text emerges comfortably as a post-modern response to the psychologistic (modern) paradigm of the un-reflexive, de-contextualized self as a 'tabula rasa' in social psychology. Both Adorno and Wirth's reflexive and contextualized self challenges the modern (or Enlightenment) ideas of the psychologistic person. Given these sentiments I think Johansson's book comfortably fits within the postmodern theoretical paradigm. So, us sociologists should stop the winter of our discontent in the conflict between postmodern and modern definitions of society, and should rather look to the theoretical influences that apply these terms more antiseptically.
To return to the volume, Johansson discusses Giddens with attention to intimacy and returns to flesh out the significance of his contribution later in the volume, reflecting on the implications of increased communication and multiculturalism in globalization. I thought Johansson should also consider the American psychologist (influenced by the Chicago school) Kenneth Gergen and his seminal work, The Saturated Self, to uncover the dimensions of personhood in an age of multiculturalism, what Gergen defines as 'multiphrenia,' or multiple selfhoods.
Johansson more or less abandons his discussion of Adorno and Wirth after the introductory chapter, which is a pity to this reader who thinks that more detailed reflections on these two seminal authors would be productive to the overall argument. Nevertheless Johansson concludes the introductory chapter with further analysis of Wirth, Adorno and Giddens' reflexive self contra positive science.
The remaining content of chapter one highlights Simmel's contributions as a scholar of the 'emotionology' of modernity. Johansson sees Simmel as first and foremost 'psychologist' of social life, beginning as he does with the interacting individual as the unit of analysis and the tension between the subjective and objective experience. He also offers a postlude to Simmel, discussing his influence within the Chicago school.
The second chapter of the first part describes psychoanalysis' grip over social psychology. Johansson mentions Benjamin's discussion of dreams and utopia, Elias' meditation on the repression of desires in social change, and Marcuse's fusion of Freud and Marx.
The third chapter in Part I refines commentary on the Chicago School, looking more specifically at the contribution of Goffman who, according to Johansson, holistically explores the effects of narcissism in late modernity. Impression management, identity, and stigmatization are all results of this problem.
Part II of the volume explores empirical supports to these theoretical observations in thematic discussions of identity, 'the stranger,' narcissism, the body, 'mediaziation,' multiculturalism and gender. The book concludes with reflections on the future of social psychology into the twenty-first century. Johansson asks that social psychology be considered not as a separate discipline, but as a 'meta-theoretical field' within other perspectives. Social psychology should serve as a 'seismograph' sensitive to changes in the relationship between society and the individual. Overall, the volume offers a dazzling trip through an alternative paradigm in humanistic social psychology, albeit with a few significant lacunae. It lucidly discusses empirical applications of what to some might be 'abstract' post-modern concepts. This volume would best fit in a post-graduate seminar on contemporary theory or social psychology. Those with interests in psychoanalytic and Chicago school traditions within and outside sociology will also find it enriching.
Social Psychology on Psychology Journal
Social Psychology; branch of psychology
Social Psychology on Psychology Journal
Social psychology is a branch of psychology which examines the impact of social influences on human behavior. This field is vast, encompassing a wide range of fields of study and several disciplines. Social psychology is also used in a range of disciplines and industries; many people utilize the principles of social psychology without even being aware of it when they try to control a group, influence someone's opinion, or explain why someone behaves in a particular way.
The roots of social psychology were laid in the late 1800s, when psychology as a discipline was thriving in Europe. As the First World War drove many psychologists to the United States, social psychology began to arise as a distinct discipline in the 1920s. One of the major influences on the field was Kurt Lewin, who is called the “father” of social psychology by some people; other famous social psychologists include Zimbardo, Asch, Milgram, Festinger, Ross, and Mischel.
A social psychologist looks at the attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of both individuals and groups. The field also examines interpersonal interaction, analyzing the way in which someone interacts with other people, whether on a singular basis or in the form of a large group. Social psychology also examines cultural influences like advertisements, books, films, television, and radio, looking at the ways in which these influences impact human behavior.
Like many scientists, social psychologists like to use empirical methods to conduct studies in their fields. These methods often involve experiments which can bring up complex ethical issues. One of the most infamous social psychology experiments was the Stanford Prison Experiment, which was ultimately shut down because it got out of control. Social psychologists rely on the efforts of ethics committees and review panels to ensure that their work is ethically allowable, in the hopes of avoiding a repeat of questionable experiments.
The study of social psychology can explain why people form mobs, how groups make decisions, which social conditions can lead to aberrant behavior, and a wide range of other things. Social psychologists are constantly learning more about human behavior and the science behind human interactions, looking at everything from why people fail to help people in need to what leads people to conform, even in ethically dubious situations.
If you want to learn more about this field of psychology, you may be able to take an introductory course at a local college in your area. You can also consult your library for a number of published texts on the subject, but beware; once you start studying social psych, it can be hard to stop!
Social Psychology on Psychology Journal
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY on Psychology Journal
The social sciences are dedicated to understanding the human condition, ideally to the extent that the singular and collective behaviors of human beings can be understood and even predicted. Though their goals are identical in the abstract, these "sciences" differ in terms of their way of looking at things, the questions they ask, the methods they use in addressing these questions, and what they do with this information once they obtain it.
Amid this multitude of social science disciplines is social psychology which, as can be inferred from its label, involves the ways in which both social and mental processes determine action. What, precisely, this means research-wise, however, remains a matter of historic debate both between and within the disciplines of psychology and sociology. What weight is to be given to the social, the psychological, and the interaction between the two? What does the interaction between psychological and sociological processes even mean?
In approaching the problem of why some people do certain things, psychologists (see Wesleyan's Social Psychology Network) are inclined to give greater attention to the bearing of thought processes, personality characteristics, and their changes across the life-cycle. The closed, stereotypic thinking of authoritarians, for instance, make them more likely to be prejudiced and to join extreme right-wing political groups.
Sociologists, on the other hand, being more interested in understanding the relationships between group structures and processes (typologizing groups much like psychologists classify selves as the first step toward predicting their activities), are inclined to give greater attention to the social settings and individuals' roles therewithin. As opposed to psychology's atomization of the human condition, focusing on the self and its inner workings, sociologists' attention is directed toward human connections. Connectedness with others is an overarching personal drive, and the bonds produced comprise the social fabric of interrelationships. The strength of this social fabric is determined by the multiplicity and quality of connections individuals and groups (both large and small) have with each other. Further, from this sociological perspective of the human condition, these groups have dynamics of their own (often distinct from members' intentions and desires) that cannot be reduced down to the psychology of individuals. Like differing board games, these social orders have their own rules, roles, styles of play, traditions, cultures, and rates of change over time. Change the "game" and you change the style of thinking, the language, motivations, activities, alliances, and identities of the players.
It is for these reasons that sociologically-inclined social psychologists are more likely to examine how individuals' perceptions, belief systems, moralities, identities, and behaviors are determined by their positions in social space:
* the culture of their primary socializations;
* the slice of social history intersecting their biographies, such as coming of age during a time of depression or war;
* their locations within the stratification orders of gender, age, race, and social class;
* their roles within the institutional orders of religion, work, community, and family;
* the geographic context of their childhoods, such as region of the country or the size of cities wherein they lived;
* and their memberships in and relative identifications with various social groups.
* For other illustrations, check out Alan Reifman's SPIDER (Social Psychology of Information Diffusion -Educational Resources), Psych-Net UK, Jeremy Dean's Psyblog, Jon Mueller's Resources for the Teaching of Social Psychology, and the online resources from the Social Science Information Gateway. The American Psychology Association's Monitor on Psychology and the Social Psychology section of the American Sociological Association are also worth occasional visits.
Not surprisingly, evolving in this hybrid discipline is a perspective that more explicitly focuses on the interactions between the sociological and the psychological, producing new connections and new questions. Change the social connections and you change the essence of the self and its cognitive, emotive, and bonding capacities. Change the way social reality is psychologically parsed and processed and you ultimately change the nature and course of group dynamics. For instance, what kind of personality type might come to predominate in a capitalistic, secular, gerontophobic, death-denying, sex- obsessed culture where the young are socialized in single-parent families, with sports stars as role models, and whose lessons of adult life primarily come from commercially-based electronic messages? This emergent perspective integrates developments in such related social sciences as anthropology, linguistics, economics, political science, religion, history, communication studies, and sociobiology. These interactions are the subject of a text that I co-authored with Chad Gordon, Social Psychology: Shaping Identity, Thought, and Conduct (Allyn and Bacon, 1993). Though this page was created as a companion piece for this work, its links should complement most social psychology courses.
Social Psychology on Psychology Journal
